Selections from the Torrence Papers, L 




Edited and Arranged by 



ISAAC JOSLIN COX 






Reprinted from the Quarterly of the Historical and Philosophical 
Society of Ohio, Vol I, No, 3, 



P" -i '-^ "vf 







The Quarterly Publication of the Histori- 
cal and Philosophical 
Society of Ohio 



VoLI...I906...No. 3 
JULY-SEPTEMBER 



SELECTIONS FROM THE TORRENCE PAPERS. L 

Arranged and Edited by 

ISAAC JOS LIN COX, 

Assistant Professor of History, University of Cincinnati. 



Cincinnati^ Ohio 






1906 

University of Cincinnati Press 

cincinnati 



CONTENTS. 

I. 1823, Feb. 28, Thomas P. Jesup to James Findlay. 

II. 1S23, May 24, Thomas Finley to James Findlay. 

III., 1824, Jan. I, John Findlay to George P. Torrence. 

IV. 1825 Jan. 16. George McLean to Thomas Sloo, Jr. 

V. 1825, Feb. 15, William McLean to George P. Tor- 
rence. 

VI. 1825, June 22, Thomas Finley to Thomas Sloo, Jr. 

VII. 1826, Feb. 9. James Findlay to George P. Torrence. 

VIIL 1826, Apr. 2, James Findlay to George P. Torrence. 

IX. 1827, Nov. 20, Elijah Hayward to James Findlay. 

X. 1829, Apr. 30. Thomas Finley to James Findlay. 

XI. 1830, Mar. 18, Morgan Neville to James Findlay. 

Xn. 1830. May 19, William Findlay to James Findlay. 

XIIL 1830, May 20, William Findlay to James Findlay. 

XIV. 1831, Dec. 23. Morgan Neville to James Findlay. 

XV. 1832, May 26, William Findlay to James Findlay. 

XVI. 1832, Dec. 28, Thomas Finley to James Findlay. 

XVII. 1834. Feb. 7, John McLean to James Findlay. 

XVIII. 1834, Sep. 3, John Spear Smith to Thomas Finley. 

XIX. 1834, Sep. 20, Thomas Finley to James Findlay. 



63 



SELECTIONS FROM THE TORRENCE PAPERS, I. 

NATIONAL POLITICS OF THE JACKSONIAN ERA, AS ILLUSTRATED BY 

THE FINDLAY LETTERS. 

FOREWORD. 

The followin.c: selections from the Torrcnce Papers, in the 
manuscript collections of the ''Historical and Philosophical 
Society of Ohio," have been chosen with the idea of illustrating 
certain phases of national politics during and immediately pre- 
ceding the so-called Jacksonian Era. Although most of the 
letters were written by persons of secondary importance only in 
the political field, they will show the opinions of the rank and 
file, and thus serve to throw new light upon the "practical poli- 
tics" of the day. In the selection of material the editor has 
taken the liberty of leaving out what was merely of minor per- 
sonal character, or which referred to some other topic reserved 
for future treatment. Although this course has rendered many 
of the extracts "scrappy" in character, it was necessary in view 
of the limitations of time and space. The editor believes that 
nothing of essential importance has been omitted from the let- 
ters used. 

The peculiar conditions of the party alliances and the vari- 
ous motives that then ruled the political world, are fortunately 
illustrated with a certain unity by the letters of the various mem- 
bers of the Findlay family, largely used in this issue. During 
two decades five brothers of this family occupied important, 
though minor official stations, in four states of the Union. 
General James Findlay (1775-1835) was from 1825 to 1833 
the representative in Congress from the First Ohio Dis- 
trict. His brother John, of Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, was 
also in the lower house of Congress from 1823 to 1827, and later 
served under Jackson as postmaster of his town. William 
Findlay (1768-1846) was governor of Pennsylvania from 1817 
to 1820; was in the United States Senate from 1821 to 1827; 
and in 1830 was appointed Director of the United States Mint 

65 



at Philadelphia. Thomas Finley, who was of the same family, 
although he preferred to spell his name "as it was pronounced," 
was Marshal for the District of Maryland under both Adams and 
Jackson. Jonathan Findlay, after a varied editorial experience 
in several states, was for -a time Register of the Land Office in 
Missouri. In its honorable record of continuous office holding, 
both of elective and appointive character, the history of this 
family can hardly be equaled. It is especially fortunate for our 
purpose that this fact forms one of the minor events of the 
Jacksonian Era. 

The Torrence Papers came into the possession of the Society 
in 1887, through the gift of Aaron Torrence, Esquire, (d. 1893), 
who was a son of George Paull Torrence. The latter served 
for two terms as president judge of the Ninth Circuit of Ohio, 
and was one of the executors for the estate of General James 
Findlay. The papers are described at length in the Annual 
Reporioi the Society for 1887. Brief notices of the above men- 
tioned characters may be found in Drake, Dictionary of American 
Biography; Greve, Centennial History of Cincinnati; and in other 
places mentioned in the notes of the following pages. 

In the preparation of this material I have had the most effi- 
cient assistance of the Librarian of the Society, Miss L. Belle 
Hamlin. In certain instances I have taken the liberty of mod- 
ernizing the punctuation, particularly that of the dates, and have 
reduced superior letters to the general level of the text; but 
otherwise I have adhered closelv to the original text. 

I. J. C. 



66 



I. 

THOMAS P. JESUP TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Washington City, Feby. 28th, 1823.^ 
My dear Genl, 

+ ************ 
Congress will rise in three days. They have done but little 
business of importance, nothing for the industry of the coun- 
try^ — indeed, nothing in that way may be hoped for until the 
power of the West be felt. Our increased representation will 
give a decided majority next year to the friends of manufac- 
tures ; and then no doubt something will be done. 



Sincerely yours, 

Genl. James Findlay, 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 



Th. p. Jesup. 



II. 

THOMAS FIN LEY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Balto., 24th May, 1823.^ 
Brother James, 

I have a desire to know who will be the next President. Can 
you tell anything about it? Our Penn[sylvani]a friends are 
greatly attached to Mr. Calhoun, and I really believe he is a fine 
fellow, but I think his prospects are not so bright as our friends 
seem to suppose. It must be admitted, however, that he is the 
second choice of almost every man in the country.'* I have no 

1. Torrence Papers, Box 13, No. 24. 

2. In his annual message in December, 1822, Monroe had asked for 
an increase in certain duties. In accordance with his suggestion the 
Committee on Manufactures reported a bill increasing those on iron, 
coarse woolens, and dyed cottons, but the bill failed in the Committee of 
the Whole. McMaster, History of the People of the United States, \ , 231. 

3. Torrencc Papers, Box 7, No. 21. 

4. The editor of Niles Register, in the issue for Nov. 6, 1824, in 
mentioning Calhoun in connection with the Vice-Presidency, states: 
"He is the only candidate in whose favor the people have moved." 

67 



oersonal knowledge of any of the candidates, but judging from 
their productions I woul.d rank them in the following order: 
Adams, Calhoun, Clay, Jackson, Crawford. Adams as a writer 
has no superior either at home or abroad, but his cold manners 
operate very much against him. 

Clay stands very well as a politician with the republicans of 
Penn[sylvani]a, but they have some objections to his moral 
character. In this state and more especially in the City the 
majority is in favor of Mr. Adams.'"^ 

************* 

Tho Finley.^ 

Genl. James Findlay, 
Cincmnati. 

III. 

JOHN FINDI.AY TO GEORGE T. TORRENCE. 

Washington City, January ist, I824.''' 

Dear Sir, 

Yours of the 21 ult. came to hand this morning. When I 
write letters I am something like Paddy when he was obliged 
to turn out [as] volunteer — I do it from necessity. 

:,.•************ 

I think at present Mr. Crawford is the strongest man with 
the present members of Congress, but who will eventually suc- 
ceed is impossible to tell. My own opinion is that Mr. Calhoun 
will eventually be the man; in Penn[sylvani]a there is none of 
them will do, except Calhoun or Jackson, and I think the ticket 
for electors will be formed so as to take either of them as cir- 
cumstances may justify. The Penn[sylvanian]s will not agree 

5. The estimated vote of Maryland in the election of the following- 
year was Adams, 14,632; Jackson, 14,523. Adams received three of the 
electoral votes of the state, and its vote in the ensuing election in the 
House of Representatives. Cf. Stan wood, History of Presidential Elec- 
tions, 136, 140. 

6. Althoug-h Thomas Finley's spelling of the family name did not 
meet his brother James's approval, he was a fairly regular correspond- 
ent of the latter, and one whose letters were of more than ordinary 
interest. li'or mention of Thomas Finley see Foreword. 

7. Torrence Papers, Box 8, No. 31. 

68 



to go into a Caucus^ — our state would not be represented. We 
have seven Federal members, and besides it appears to me that 
the people are determined to put down the caucus candidate. 
************* 

With esteem your friend, 

John Findlay.^ 
Hon. George Torrance \sic], 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 

TV. 

GEORGE MCLEAN TO THOMAS SLOG, JR. 

Washington, i6th Jany., 1825.^° 

Dear Sir, 

* * * * * ******** 

The question of President is beginning to be looked about a 
little, but it is a matter of entire doubt who is to succeed. Mr. 
Crawford's friends still maintain that his prospect is equal. In 
this I have no hesitation in saying that they are wrong. At pres- 
ent, however, things are so imsettled that his chance may be the 
best before the question is tried. But be certain that every- 
thing on the subject is so doubtful that no man seems to have 
anything like a settled opinion as to the likely result. 



Yours, 

G. McLean.1i 



Thos. Sloo, Jr., Esq., 

McLeansboro, 111. 



8. Niles Register, XXV, 227 points out the fact that Pennsj'lvania 
with seven Federalists would be at a disadvantage in comparison with 
Virginia, whose whole congressional delegation could attend a caucus. 
This fact may have had some effect on the position of that state. On 
January, 1824, the L,egislature, with the sanction of the congressional 
delegation, passed resolutions against the caucus. Upon recommenda- 
tion of the delegation a convention was held for the purpose of nom- 
inating candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. 

9. John Findlay was then serving as a congressman from Penn- 
sylvania. 

10. Torrence Papers, Box, 17, No. 12. 

11. The remainder of the letter shows that G. Mclvcan had been an 
unsuccessful candidate for senator from Illinois. In 1819 he had voted 
against the Tallmadge Amendment to the act for admitting Missouri. 
Cf. Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 73. 

69 



V. 

WILLIAM MCLEAN TO GEORGE P. TORRENCE. 

Washington, 15 Feby., 1825.^^ 
House of Rep. 

Dear Sir, 

************* 

Since the Presidential question is put to rest, the excitement 
has subsided here, and we have had a great calm. Many specu- 
lations in regard to the cabinet, but nothing certainly known 
except the offer of the Treasury Department to Mr. Crawford, 
which he promptly declined, and the offer of the Department of 
State to Mr. Clay, which I am inclined to think he will accept. 
T am very respectfully, 

Your Obdt. Servt. 

Wm McLean.^' 
Hon. G. P. Torrence, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 

VI. 

THOMAS FINLEY TO THOMAS SLOO, JR. 

Baltimore, 22nd June, 1825.^* 
Dear Sir, 

Man is unquestionably a selfish animal. It is a long time 
since I have written to you. and it might be a longer time before 
I would write, had I not something to request of you — yet I 
would not have you suppose that I do not often think of you 
and my good niece and that I do not feel anxious for your 
health and prosperity. But to the point — 

It is thought Mr. Maury, the U. S. Consul at Liverpool, will 
not be able to hold out much longer as he is an old man and his 
healtli rapidly declining. The situation is a desirable ore and 
m.ight be made very profitable if connected with a commercial 
establishment. I am desirous to obtain it and will make appli- 
cation to the President for it when the vacancy occurs, but the 

12. Torrence Papers, Box 17, No. 16. 

13. At that time congressman from Ohio. Cf. Annals, 18 Cong. 1, 
p. 794. 

14. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 32. 

70 



competition for it will be very great. No doubt Phila[del- 
phia], New York and Boston will all iurnish applicants in 
abundance, but I presume there will be no candidate- from the 
west, hence I wish to obtain all the W.^stern influence that my 
friends can re mmand for me, and I wish to prepare now, for 
there will not be time after it is known there is a vacancy. 

I wish to obtain letters from as many members of the senate 
and of the House of R[epresentatives] as I can, addressed to 
either the President or Mr. Sec[retar]y Clay, therefore, if you 
can do anything for me in Illinois, Indiana and Missouri I shall 
esteem it [a] favor. 

I have the pleasure of being personally known to Judge 
Thomas^-^ and Mr. Cook,^*^ but I am afraid not well enough to 
make direct application to them in an affair of this kind. I have 
written to brother John^'^ to apply to Mr. Cook, who I know has 
a great respect for the "old Colonel." 

I cannot say that I am confident of success, but it is a place 
of much importance as regards the interest of my family and 
therefore well worth a powerful effort. I have reason to believe 
that the President is favorably disposed towards me. but this 
particular place will doubtless be sought after by many powerful 
men powerfully supported ; hence, I will not feel so much disap- 
pointed if I do not obtain it. Were the vacancy to occur during 
the session of Congress my prospect would perhaps be better 
for me, but I think it probable that it will occur in the course of 
the summer. It is therefore desirable that I should be in pos- 
session of letters of recommendation that I may use them when 
occasion may require. 

Altho' you were a Crawfordite I presume you feel indignant 
at the attempt which has been made to excite public prejudice 
against vour friend Clav.i*^ j^g ^^r\\\ i am persuaded triumph 

15. Judg-e Jesse B. Thomas, senator from Illinois, who first defin- 
itely suggested which was afterwards known as the "Missouri Compro- 
mise lyine". 

16. Daniel P. Cook, member of the House of Representatives from 
Illinois, and son-in-law of Ninian Edwards. In 1826 he was defeated 
for Congress by Joseph Duncan [See Note 78], largely because he had 
voted for Adams. Cf. Benton, Thirty Years Vicrv, I, 35. 

17. Colonel John Findlay of Chambersburg, Pa. Cf. Note 9. 

18. The i-eference is, of course, to the now exploded charge of a 
coalition between Clay and Adams, by which the latter secured the 
Presidency while the former became Secretary of State. 

71 



over his enemies and one day or other, if his health is preserved, 
he v/ill be the President. For myself, I believe that he was 
governed by pure motives in the course he pursued, and that 
the result is a fortunate one for the nation. 

Tho Finley.^^ 
Thomas Sloo, Junr., Esquire, 

Care of the Postmaster, Shawnee Town, Illinois. 

VII. 

SAMUEL FINDLAY TO GEORGE P. TORRENCE. 

Chambersb'g, Feby. 9th, 1826.20 
Dear Sir, 

I received yours of the 28th ultimo a few days since in which 
you gave the pleasing intelligence of your re-election f^ from 
the vote you had a pretty hard pull, but notwithstanding you 
gained your point, which is a very pleasing circumstance. 

No doubt you have seen ere this that the Judicial bilF2 has 
passed the House by an overwhelming majority, which no doubt 
is very pleasing to the people of the West; they had a great deal 
of debating and some of it very warm. George Kremer you will 
observe made a thundering speech as long as it lasted, which was 



19. Thomas Finley did not obtain this consulship, but was later 
made U. S. Marshal for the District of Maryland. Nevertheless he 
later supported Jackson and retained his office under the latter. Cf. 
Niles Register, Xly, 26. 

20. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 2. 

21. For Torrence's official position, Cf. Forbword. 

22. On December, 22, 1825, Mr. Webster from the Judiciary Commit- 
tee of the House reported a bill to amend the Judiciary Act by the crea- 
ting new circuits in the western states. On January 25, by a vote of 
32 to 59, the bill was ordered to its third reading- {^Register of Debates, 
Vol. II, Part I, p. 1149]. It is to this that the writer refers. The debate 
turned largely upon the question of the power of the national judiciary 
and of the needs of the West with regard to additional courts. In the 
course of this thundering speech \^Ibid p. 1053] above mentioned, George 
Kremer stated that the whole judicial system of the country was radic- 
ally wrong — in fact, was a denial of justice; and that the multiplying 
of federal courts was not an advantage. This is the same Kremer who 
achieved notoriety as the tool used in publishing the coalition charge 
against Clay and Adams. 

72 



not very long. They are now debating on the call for informa- 
tion respecting the Panama Congress^^ with a considerable 
degree of warmth by some of the anti administration party, 
which in my opinion is all useless for them to make an oppo- 
sition. They had better keep cool as yet, and not make them- 
5-elves Mosey Dawsons^-^ for fear they expend all their ammu- 
nition before the next election, which might and would make 
them regret their course ; and no doubt you wish so. 
************* 

Our wiseacres at Harrisburg have passed the famous Canal 
Bill in the Lower House,^^ it has excited a good deal of Talk and 
ill will in this part of the state ; it will ruin our country. Several 
of the old Germans in this county are determined to sell for 
any thing, and leave the state if they pass the bill, and lay a tax, 
which will be a matter of course. 

You will see by the Penn[sylvani]a papers that we are deter- 
mined to run J. A. Shulze^^ for Gov[ernor]. the wishes of the 
good folk of Cincinnati to the contrary notwithstanding. We 
hear nothing said about Kremer at all as a candidate ; no doubt 
if some of your people had any thing to do with it they would 
have him in spite of everything. 
************* 

I remain your sincere friend, 

Saml Findlay.2''' 
Geo. P. Torrence, Esqr., 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 

23. For the details of this debate, cf. McMaster, V, 451; Register of 
Debates, Vol. II, Part I. 

24. Moses Dawson was a Cincinnati editor of Irish extraction. In 
1824, he published a life of General William Henry Harrison. Between 
1825 and 1828, he edited and published the Cincinnati Advertiser, and in 
the re-formation of political parties of this period he became Jacksonian 
in politics and his paper the leading- Jackson organ of this vicinity. 
He was later appointed receiver of public moneys at Cincinnati, but 
was rejected by the Senate and succeeded by Morg-an Neville [see note 
46]. He has been characterized as a rough, ungainly man, but a vigorous 
writer. Cf. Mansfield, Personal Memories, 1803-1843, p. 176; Niles 
Register, XXXVIII, 271. 

25. Cf. McMaster, V, 142. 

26. He became governor of Pennsylvania, in which office he was 
succeeded by George Wolf. In 1832, he was nominated by the Jackson 
opponents for governor, but although disapproving Jackson's policies, 
declined to run. Cf. Repf. Am. Hist. Ass'n, 1902, Vol. I, 444. 

27. Son of William Findlay and afterward a lawyer in Cincinnati. 

73 



DW George, 



VIII. 

JAMES FINDLAY TO GEORGE P. TORRENCE. 

Washington City, 2d April, 1826.^^ 



Yon will see by numerous papers the sharpest shooting in 
the House of Representatives that has ever taken place on the 
floor of Congress. The parties were McDuffey, Trimble, and 
Vance, of Ohio — I set them down in the order they spoke. 
What ulterior measures may grow of the charges or assertions, 
is uncertain, and all are conjecturing. The question was on 
amending the constitution, which question was sent to [a] select 
committee of 24 who are not yet appointed.^^ 

I would be glad to have the opinion of my Cincinnati friends 

on the Bankrupt Bill.^'^ God bless you. 

James Findlay. 

George P. Torrence, Esquire. 

IX. 

ELIJAH HAYWARD TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Cincinnati, Nov. 20, 1827.^^ 
Dear Sir, 

From all appearances, the administration party are deter 

28. Torrence Papers, Box 6, No. 67. 

29. In the course of the debate on a proposition to amend the Con- 
stitution so as to prevent the election of president and vice-president 
by Congress, Geo. B. McDuffie, representative from South Carolina, 
emphasized the charge of a coalition between Clay and Adams 
[Register of Debates, Vol. II, Part I, 1365]. Some two weeks later 
Trimble of Kentucky and Joseph Vance of Ohio spoke on the same sub- 
ject [Ibid 1900, 1917]. Trimble favored an amendment that did not in- 
terfere with the rights of the states, but defended Clay from the charge 
of a corrupt bargain. Vance defended his policy in favoring Adams 
and drew from McDuffie a scathing reply. McDuffie and Trimble later 
served on the committee of twenty-four mentioned in the letter. "Wil- 
liam Findlay was one of a similar committee of nine appointed in the 
Senate. Cf. McMaster, V, 500; Benton, Thirty Years Viezv, I, 78. 

30. On this very day, Webster from the Committee on Judiciary, 
introduced a resolution to the effect that it was "expedient to establish 
by law a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States". 
It was referred to the Committee of the Whole, but no definite action 
followed. Cf. Register of Debates, Vol. II, Part I, 867. 

31. Torrence Papers, Box 11, No. 34. 

74 



mined to make a desperate effort to carry Ohio for Adams.^^ 
This fact makes it necessary that the friends of Gen. Jackson 
should be more vigilant than ever. Ohio is now too important 
a member of the Union to be lost to the Jackson cause. Every 
exertion should be made, by the friends of the old hero, to secure 
him our sixteen Electoral votes. The time and place to mature 
our plans and to prepare the necessary measures to insure suc- 
cess, Vvill be this winter at Columbus. You can materially assist 
us, by giving us all the information in your power of whatever 
may transpire at Washington, whether among our own friends, 
oi in the councils of our enemies. In fact, it may be as much 
importance to us to be acquainted with the plans and contem- 
plated movements of our opponents, as to understand our own. 
The struggle will, unquestionably, be a hard one in Ohio. Every 
art and intrigue which the genius of the partisans and adherents 
of the Coalition can invent will be imployed to defeat us. Lately 
there are strong indications that our opponents will not fail for 
want of money.^^ If, however, while at Columbus, we can be 
kept advised of every important matter which mav be known at 
Washington, this winter, we shall be enabled to conduct our 
campaign to great advantage. I assure you, sir, this is of very 
great importance to our cause. Allow me, then, to request you 
to write me as often as once a week, and oftener if necessary, 
during the coming winter and spring, and give me such informa- 
tion as may come to your knowledge, relating to the next Presi- 
dency. This is a matter which has been very much neglected 
for the two last winters, while our administration members of 
Congress have literally loaded the mail with letters and other 
communications to their political friends in Ohio Legislature. 
I pray you attend to this part of our policy, venj particularly, and 
please excuse the liberty I have taken. 



32. A perusal of the columns of the Ohio State Journal for this 
period will show that Ohio was the one western state that the Adams 
party had hopes of carrying-, but they were defeated by a narrow major- 
ity. The figures as given in the Journal for Nov. 20, 1828, are Jackson, 
67,596; Adams, 63,456. 

33. There seems to- be no more definite basis for this charge than 
the fact that the Adams party was strongly in favor of a protective 
tariff and that such a policy would naturally attract to it the wealthier 
classes. 

75 



Yoiir election of Speaker is all important to the Jackson 
cause. If you should succeed in electing a Jacksonian, it will 
produce the most beneficial effect to us, and dishearten our 
opponents. Let that event occur,^^ and I believe Ohio will be 
certain for the Old Hero. In such case, we shall have on our 
side, the 10,000 who are now in doubt which party to unite with. 
Indeed, the exertions of our friends at Washington this winter, 
can do much for this state. In fact, I have no doubt their par- 
ticular attention to Ohio, can be made equal to 5,000 votes for 
Gen. Jackson. 

Our Jackson state convention, on the 8th of January next, 
will be large and respectable. I calculate much good from it, 
in every point of view in which its influence can be considered. 
Our Legislature, as to the Presidency, will be nearly equally 
divided. It is not yet certain which party has the majority. 

I will thank you to acknowledge the receipt of this letter, as 
soon as convenient. Direct to Columbus, from which place I 
will write you often during the session. 

With sentiments of sincere respect and esteem, I am person- 
ally and politically yours, 

Elijah Hayward.^^ 

P. S. — We have just heard that N. York City has given 3,000 
majority for the Jackson ticket, but no assurance that the report 
is true. E. H. 

Gen. James Findlay. 
Member of Congress, 

Washington City, District of Columbia. 



34. The opponents of the administration in the House of Represen- 
tatives succeeded in electing as their speaker Andrew Stevenson, of Vir- 
ginia. Cf. Benton, View, I, 92. 

35. Elijah Hayward, a Cincinnati lawyer, was at that time one of 
the three representatives from Hamilton County in the lower house of 
the Ohio Legislature. He is reported in the Cincinnati Directory, for 
1825 [p. 47] as editor of the National Republican. In 1826, his seat in 
the legislature was contested, but the contest was decided in his favor 
{Ohio State Journal, Dec. 14, 1826). A former Clinton man, the example 
of his chief and the shrewd advice of Jackson's manager, W. B. Lewis, 
seem to have brought him to the party of the "Old Hero". Cf. Sum- 
ner, yat^50«, 147. 



76 



X. 

THOMAS FINLEY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Baltimore, 30th April, 1829.^^ 
Brother James, 

By this time I hope that I may safely congratulate you on 
your safe arrival at Cincinnati * * * * ^nd I intended to 
congratulate you upon the appointment of your friend Louis 
McLean [McLane]^'' as Minister to England, but it is now 
almost too late. Were all the appointments by the present 
Executive as unexceptionable as this, the country would have 
reason to be satisfied. 

Removals appear to be the order of the day and the Editors 
of Newspapers appear to be the most fortunate class of people 
as they have been much more favored than any other. What a 
host of them have been appointed ! 

I feel surprised and disappointed that brother William has 
not been noticed by the present Executive. This is the more 
extraordinary, as the impression was very general, both in 
Pennsylvania and this state, that some respectable situation 
would be offered to him — and it was supposed to be placed 
beyond all doubt when his personal and political friend^^ was 
placed at the Head of a Department. 

The Collector of this port has been continued but the naval 
officer, Surveyor, and ten of the Deputy Inspectors have been 
removed. 

I believe that some are of the opinion that I will be removed 
in turn — but I rather think they will be disappointed.^^ I have 
however no particular information on the subject. 



36. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 37. 

37. Louis McLane [1786-1857] was a member of Congress from 
Delaware from 1817 to 1827, and in the latter year was advanced to the 
Senate, where he served nntil his appointment as minister to England. 
In 1831, he returned to this country to assume the position of Secretary 
of Treasury, became head of the State Department in 1833, and retired 
from political life in 1834, because of lack of sympathy with Jackson's 
policies. Cf. Drake, Dictionary of National Biography, 586. 

38. Samuel D. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury. 

39. He was re-appointed as Marshal for the District of Maryland. 
Cf. Niles Register, XL, 26. 

77 



Brother John^'' you will observe has been complimented with 
the Postoffice — but this is rather a small matter and I hope his 
friend Wolf-^^ may have it in his power to offer him something 
better. 

Brother William was at Harrisburgh when I last heard from 
him, and I presume is still there. There is a mystery in relation 
to the manner in which he has been passed over which I am 
unable to unravel. He however supports his spirits as if noth- 
ing had occurred to disappoint him. 

This letter is intended for yourself. 



Tho Finley. 



Genl. James Findlay, 
Cincinnati. 



XL 

MORGAN NEVILLE TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

CiN., March i8th, 1830.^2 
Dear General, 

A number of your Jackson friends have requested me to ask 
you to procure for them a copy of the signatures to the Cincin- 
nati petition against Sunday Mails.^^ If in your power I 
sh[oul]d like you to comply with their request. 

If Clayton's^'* speech on the removing power of the 

40. Colonel John Findlay was made postmaster at Chambersburg:, 
Pa. On December 25, 1830, he writes his brother James, to use his influ- 
ence with Colonel R. M. Johnson of Kentucky, in order to obtain an in- 
crease in the pay of postmasters of his class. Cf. Torrence Papers, Box 
8, No. 32. 

41. George Wolf, congressman from Pennsylvania and governor of 
the state from 1829 to 1835. 

42. Torrence Papers, Box 18, No. 6. 

43. The matter of Sunday mails was discussed in both the Twen- 
tieth and Twenty-first Congresses, [Cf. Register of Debates,No\. 5, App. 
p. 26, and Vol. 6, Part I, p. 427], but with no definite result. The agita- 
tion was apparently started among the Presbyterians of the country. 
Two interesting letters on this subject are to be found in the Torretice 
Papers, Box 9, Nos. 5 and IS. 

44. Senator John M. Clayton, of Delaware. There is a reference to 
this speech in the Register of Debates, Vol. 6, Part I, p. 385, but the 
speech itself does not appear in the volume. 

78 



Pres[iden]t is published in a pamphlet form, I will thank you for 
a copy. The childish squabble in the Senate, may be productive 
of much good ; it involves an illustration of first principles which 
may be useful, and a grood deal of high steam escapes, which 
might otherwise be carried rankling home to the individual 
states, to the imminent danger of the whole Machine. 

We have no news. Chihon's^^ apostacy is making some 
noise. Those of Mr. Clay's friends who were lately ridiculing 
him as a noisy fool, look solemn now, as they pronounce the 
name of "Mr. ChiUon" and say his change is an important 



"sign. 

o 



Morgan Neville.'*^ 



Sincerely yours, 

Honble. Genl. James Findlay, 
Member of Congress, 
Washington City. 

XII. 

WILLIAM FINDLAY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Pittsburg, May 19th, 1830.^'^ 
Brother James, 

Yours of the 9tli instant came duly to hand. Whilst I -was 
at Washington in March, 1829, I soon became fully persuaded, 
from the arrangements that had, and were about making, that 
no oflficial place would be found for me worthy of my acceptance. 
I was not long there until I ascertained it was circulated in the 
City, that our Family infinence was too great, and ought to be 



45. Thomas Chilton of Kentucky was a member of the House of 
Representatives from 1827 to 1831 and from 1833 to 1835. In 1833, as 
presidential elector, he voted for Mr. Clay. About this time he published 
a letter comparing the expenses of Jackson's and Adam's administra- 
tions, which Clay commended. Cf. Collins, History of Kentucky, 1,351; 
Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, 258. 

46. Morgan Neville (1786-1839), at one time editor of the Pittsburg- 
Gazette, removed to Cincinnati about 1824. Here he was secretary of 
an insurance company and a contributor to periodicals. He was 
appointed receiver of public moneys for this district, when the Senate 
failed to confirm Jackson's nomination of Moses Dawson for that office. 

47. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 63. 



^ 



checked rather than extended, that our ambition in grasping 
after office was unbounded, and that I, in particular, had received 
more than a common share of pubHc favor and full as much as I 
was entitled to.'*^ With whom these allegations originated, or 
who they were that put them into circulation, I have yet to 
learn. They are all, however, that I then heard on the subject. 
Unless indeed that there was an insinuation made to the Presi- 
dent in relation to my pecuniary embarrassments, which I 
learned from a friend made no impression on him and was un- 
worthy of further notice. Thinking that these allegations 
might possibly be infused, by some of our enemies, into the mind 
of the President so as to impress it unfavorably towards our 
Family, and being desirous to avert this, and wishing to retain 
his good opinion, apart from office w^hich I had not then any 
expectation of receiving, I asked him if he had heard anything 
said about the ambition of our Family or anything derogatory 
to the character of any of them. He replied that he had not, 
and observed, in substance, that the character of the Family 
were too well known to him to listen to anything of the kind ; 
and added, that he was fully acquainted with my high standing 
in Penn[sylvan.i]a. Hence it would appear, that there were no 
specific objections at that time to any of the Family. 

We had much conversation on the difficulties of exercising 
the Executive patronage. In the course of which I gave him to 
understand, explicitly, that the object of my visit to Washington, 
was not to importune him for an office, however convenient one 
might be to me, that it was well known he had it not in his power 
to confer ofBces on all his friends ; and, that let me be in a private 
or public station, I should continue his friend, as I had been, on 
the ground of principle. I also mentioned, that any one who 



48. In this connection it may be interesting- to note that William 
Findlay had been Governor of Pennsylvania, United States Senator, 
and later served as Director of the Mint at Philadelphia; John Findlay 
had served two terms in Congress and was then postmaster at Chambers- 
burg, Pa.; Thomas Finley was then serving his second term as United 
States Marshal for the District of Maryland; James Findlay had been 
Receiver of Public Moneys, at Cincinnati, a Brigadier-General in 
federal service in the war of 1812, and was then in Congress from the 
First Ohio District; another brother Jonathan had served as Register of 
the Land Office in Missouri. This record of one generation of office 
holding by the Findla}' family goes far to justify the above complaint. 

80 



had been his friend and should oppose his administration merely 
because he did not receive an office, would clearly show that he 
was un-.vorthy of one. He concurred in tlie sentiment, and said 
the modest mai::ier in which I had spoken of myself, he should 
not forget, and hoped an opportunity would arise that might 
enable him to gratify himself by giving me an appointment. 

It is not improbable but what some of the circulators of the 
allegations alluded to, may have learned the favorable senti- 
ments of the President towards me, and having found their 
former allegations unavailing, resorted to the one to which you 
refer, as a more potent engine to remove a bar that they appre- 
hended might obstruct the preferment of themselves or some of 
their friends. Be this as it may, I am surprised, from the Presi- 
dent's knowledge of mankind, and the friendly sentiments he 
expressed in relation to me, that he should have given any 
credence to it, and this too in opposition to the information of 
one, than whom no person had a better opportunity of knowing 
the facts, and who, as one of his Cabinet, was entitled to his con- 
fidence.-*^ Experience, in his present station, will teach him 
(though honorable minds would not descend to it) that many 
will resort to every artifice and trick that human ingenuity can 
devise, to lower, or destroy, the character of those that they 
may view as rival candidates for office, of themselves or friends. 
When I had the dispensing of Executive patronage, such impo- 
sitions were at first, practiced on me with success; but I was 
soon taught not to give credit to any evil report against an appli- 
cant for office, unless it was sustained by the most conclusive 
testimony. In some instances I afforded the party implicated 
an opportunity to repell the allegation, if he thought proper to 
do so, and which some embraced. I could repell the report in 
question by many of the most respectable citizens in different 
parts of the state, and who have had the best means of knowing 
the facts in the case. But I, known as I am, would not 
resort to such a degrading alternative for any Executive office. 
It might be proper for a candidate before the people to do so 
under certain circumstances ; but an Executive, if he takes the 
trouble, he can always acquire correct information to guide his 

49. This is a reference to Samuel D. Ingham, then Secretary of the 
Treasury. 

81 



decision in such cases, unless the individual should be very ob- 
scure, or little known. If, however, I could so descend, it is now 
unnecessary as the doubt is removed. 

It is not a little astonishing, that it escaped the reflection of 
the President, when indulging his credulity, that if the people 
of the United States, had believed the fourth part of the evil 
reports which were circulated against himself, he would not have 
been elected ; and that they, though many of the reports were 
presented in an imposing form, acted on the principle that they 
were false and malignant. Had I been as credulous, as he has 
):)een in my case, I should not have been one of the two who 
headed the electoral ticket in this state. It is true, the state, 
from the impression of the falsehood of the reports, would have 
been in his favor without the use of my name, I am nevertheless 
persuaded it served to increase his majority, as my name being 
on the ticket convinced many old republicans of influence, that 
he was the real republican Candidate for the Presidency. A 
number of them mentioned this to me. 

I claim nothing for any service I may have rendered in the 
cause, and which I intend to uphold in the same manner, as if I 
were favorably noticed by the President. 

Some of the citizens of this place, you know, wished last fall, 
to nominate me as a candidate for Congress. Among other 
reasons which I had for declining the proposed honor, I thought 
it might distract the Jackson party, and from the grounds upon 
which I would have been nominated, I should have been consid- 
ered, in public estimation, as arrayed against the present admin- 
istration, notv/ithstanding the declarations I might have made 
to the contrary. This is an imputation I do not wish to incur. 

My feelings toward Mr. Ingham are not changed, nor they 
will not change imless he should do something that I cannot 
anticipate. He has always had warm friends and bitter enemies 
in the state, and some decided Jacksonites are among the latter. 
Several of his enimies have endeavoured to render me hostile 
to him by detailing to me many things unnecessary to repeat, 
but all without effect. My replies to their observations were 
uniformly favorable to him. 



82 



If my name should be laid before the President for the station 
in view,^" I shall not be sanguine of success. 

I have not heard anything from Jonathan'""^ for a long time 
neither directly or indirectly. I wrote him some time ago, but 
there has not been time to have received an answer. I never 
had an intimation of the report you have mentioned respecting 
him, and I trust it will prove unfounded. I have not written to 
him on the subject. It niight be important for him to know, 
that if the report be not true he may be restored to the good 
opinion of the government. I think it would be better for you 
to write him in this case than if I were to write. The informa- 
tion would be more direct, and it would save him postage. I 
shall write him, however, if you should decline it. I shall expect 
to hear from you shortly. I do not know where my son Samuel 
is. It would appear that you are to have a long session. 

Remember me affectionately to Jane.^^ 

Your brother, 

Wm. Findlay. 
Genl. J. Findlay. 

XIII. 

WILLIAM FINDLAY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

PiTT.SBURG, May 20th, 1830.^^ 
Brother James, 

In mv letter of yesterday I omitted to state some things 
which I shall now do. 

The electoral College unanimously elected me their Presi- 
dent and unanimously appointed me to carry the return of the 
election to Washington. The object of which was, as I was told 
by some of the members, to indicate my standing in the state, 
and indirectly and deHcately, to bring me to the favorable notice 
of the President. If it would not have been indecorous and 
improper, for the College, immediately after having voted for 



50. Possibly the position in the Mint which he later obtained. 

51. He was then living- in Missouri [Cf. Foreword]. He had had a 
chequered career as an editor, but politically had been less successful 
than his brothers. 

52. Mrs. Jane Findlajs wife of James. 

53. Toi-rencc Papers, Box 7, No. 64. 

83 



him, to request him in direct terms, to confer an office on one 
of their own body, I am fully convinced every one of them would 
have been willing to have requested him to have conferred one 
on me. Perhaps he did not know, or if he did know may have 
forgotten, that these trusts were confided to me. The appoint- 
ment of Kendajs^ to carry the vote of Kentucky to Washington, 
is the only public station he ever occupied that gave him any 
prominency in other states. If I should be nominated I am 
greatly mistaken, if it would not be approved by a greater vote 
of the Senate than his nomination was, and more respectful to 
the opinion of the President. If I should not be nominated, 
having now been long taught in the school of adversity, no one 
could submit to such a disappointment with more philosophic 
composure than I shall do. 

Judge Torrence,^^ his son John, and Col[onel] Ramsey ,5^ 
arrived here this morning from Cincinnati. * * * * The 
Col[onel] talks about setting out for Washington in the course 
of a few days. He appears extremely anxious to obtain the sit- 
uation you mentioned to me he had applied for. He thinks if he 
could obtain it he could soon acquire a handsome fortune. I 
stated to him that you said such situations were generally given 
to disbanded officers. This he was aware of, but says there has 
been many exceptions to the rule. I am desirous that he should 
obtain it, but I do not think I can render him any aid in the 
case. I am induced to believe that no one has much influence 
at Washington, who is not in the possession of political power of 
some kind or other. I am pretty certain that I would not have 
with the Secretary of War, to whose Department the situation in 
question belongs. Nor I cannot think of any one to whom I 

54. Amos Kendall, the famous members of Jackson's "Kitchen 
Cabinet". Cf. Sumner, Jackson, 47. 

55. Judge Georg-e P. Torrence. 

56. Possibly Colonel James P. Ramse3' who applied for the position 
of Superintendent of the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry. A 
letter from him in 1819 was dated at Hamilton, [Ohio?]. A John Ram- 
sey [1779-1833], formerly a person of note in Mercersburg and Pittsburg, 
Pa., died at Maysville, in 1833. 



84 



could write, that would render him any service, who he is not 
himself acquainted with. 

************* 
Your affectionate brother, 

Wm. Findlay. 
Genl. James Findlay, Member of Congress, 
Washington City. 

XIV. 

MORGAN NEVII.r.E TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Cincinnati, Dec. 23, 1831.^'^ 
Bear General, 

''■• * =!•********** 

The Clavites here, are pleased ; they have an idea that Mr. C. 
can and w///, so modify his tariff notions, ^^ as to conciliate the 
south, and thereby bring to his aid the friends of Mr. Calhoun. 
I have no faith in the orator's power to effect this object. But 
there is no telling what a few months may do — a few individuals 
around the President, present a fruitful source of discontent, 
even among his best friends. 

-!■•******* ***** 

McLean expected to be nominated by the Convention f^ a 
Letter was received to that effect Ten days since — Clay, it was 
said, w[oul]d resign, as the Judge presented the strongest front 
against the General. 

-|t *^ y^ *l^ ?jC *|i y^ JJC 5j* *|C ifC 3jC ^^ 

Believe [me] truly and ever yours, 

Morgan Neville. 
Honbl. General James Findlay, 
Washington Citv. 



57. Torrence Papers, Box 18, No. 15. 

58. So far from modifying- his views reg-arding- a protective tariff, 
Clay stated in a meeting- of friends of that policy that "to preserve, 
maintain, and strengthen the American system, he -would defy the 
South, the President, and the devil". Cf. McMaster, VI, 135. 

59. John Mclvean [1785-1861], after serving- as Judge of the Supreme 
Court of Ohio and as Commissioner of the General Land Office, became 
Postmaster General in 1823 and in that capacity served under Monroe, 
Adams and Jackson until 1830, -^vhen he became Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. He received -with favor the sug-- 
g-estion that he be the candidate of the Anti-masonic Party, until he 
learned that Clay would also run against Jackson. He was nominated 
as candidate for President by the Ohio Legislature in 1835, but later 
withdrew. He was candidate for the nomination by the Free Soil Party 
at Buffalo in 1848, and gave an important dissenting opinion in the 
Dred Scott Case. Cf. Drake, Dictionary of American Biography, 587. 

85 



XV. 

WILLIAM FINDLAY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Philadelphia, May 26th,, 1832.*"' 
Brother James, 

Your letter of the 13th informed me that you were gradually 
recovering from your tedious illness, and I have observed by the 
published yeas and nays taken in your House, that you have 
been able to resume your official duties, I am pleased with the 
manner you managed my intimation of an appointment to visit 
West-point.^^ At the time I made the suggestion I did not 
reflect that the State Legislature would be in session about the 
period that the visiters are to assemble at the point, or I should 
not have made it, for if I can leave my business here at the time, 
I would greatly prefer going to Harrisburg to any other place, 
where I may expect to meet with several of my children. 

It is a great solace to me, to know that my son James ac- 
quired a respectable standing in the Legislature at their last 
session. From the representations of dififerent Gentlemen, not 
flatterers, of the talents and prudence that he evinced in the 
body, both of which are essential to political promotion, I am 
encouraged to hope that he may ultimately rise high in public 
estimation. 

I have hastily perused the Report of Mr. Adams in relation 
to the Bank of the Ufnited] States.'*^ If I had previously enter- 
tained a doubt of the impropriety of rechartering the Bank, with 
its extensive powers and privileges, the report would serve to 
confirm rather than remove it. I have not leisure to review 
many of its principles. It is, of itself, an indication of a bad 
cause, which, in the opinion of its friends, requires such an 
elaborate efTort, as the report manifests, to sustain it. It as- 
sumes the position that the House of Representatives, or a 
Committee of the House, have not the authority to examine the 
private accounts of persons with the Bank, or who have obtained 



60. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 69. 

61. An appointment to the Board of Annual Visitors, secured 
through his brother James. 

62. Schurz, Henry Clay, I, 374; Sumner, Andrew JacksoTi, 301, 302; 
Catterall, The Second United States Bank. 

86 



loans from it, or enquire into their pecuniary standing, or how 
the payment of debts to it is secured ; and that the exercise of 
such a power is inquisitorial and unwarranted. 

Congress have placed seven millions of dollars of the people's 
money in the Bank, reserving the right to examine, by a Com- 
mittee, at any time, into the affairs of the Institution, which does 
not imply that the Committee in performing this duty, shall 
rely solely upon the statements of the President and Directors, 
of the disposition they may have made of this money. Unless 
it implies more than this, it would be nugatory and altogether 
useless for a Committee to repair to the Bank, for the purpose 
of examining its situation. This reserved power certainly em- 
braces the privilege of ascertaining in whose hands the Bank 
had placed the money and the manner in which its payment 
was secured, or it amounts to nothing. No individual would be 
satisfied with the statement of an agent, merely, to whom he 
had confided the management of his funds, that he had annually 
paid him 6 per cent thereon, and the principal was safe; but 
would proceed further and ask him, the names of the persons to 
whom his funds were loaned, and the kind of security given for 
their payment, and unless fully satisfied on these points, he 
would not renew the authority to his agent. This dictate of 
common sense, no prudent man would, in his private concerns, 
allow himself to disregard. Even the most streneous [sic] advo- 
cate for rechartering the Bank would not, in his individual 
capacity, act on any other principle. If therefore this be a cor- 
rect course of action for an individual, it cannot be a bad one 
for the whole community, and, in my view, the conduct of the 
Committee, instead of being inquisitorial, was legitimate and 
proper. 

I should be disposed to question not only the constitutional 
but the moral power of the government, to place the money of 
the people in the hands of private persons, or in those of the 
agents of any corporation, with an authority to either of them, 
to preclude the government from ascertaining in whose hands 
they had subsequently placed it, and how its payment was 
secured, or of enquiring into its being loaned with impure motive 
and for 'improper purposes. Yet the simple enquiry by the late 
bank committee, into such facts, is denounced by the report, as 

87 



1 i 
» i ' 



implicating the rights, the interests, the fortunes, and the repu- 
tation of individuals. It is not. at once, obvious to a common 
mind, how such an enquiry could impair, or violate, any of the 
rights of a citizen. The debts of individuals to the Government 
itself, are not veiled in secresy, and if it were even desirable that 
those due to a corporation, or from one individual to another, 
should be so veiled, the object could not ultimately be attained, 
for all debts after they become due, may at the option of cred- 
itors, become matters of record, and open to public inspection. 
I am therefore at a loss to know what cannot be precisely per- 
ceived by any refinement of logic, how a debt due to an incor- 
poration, of which the Government is a co-partner and in which 
[it] has a deep interest, should be deemed more sacred, than 
one due directly to it, or why the Government should not have 
the like right to enquire as to the validity of the security given 
for its paymient, without being liable to the charge of commit- 
ting outrages on the private rights of Citizens. 

There are several points in the report of the majority of the 
Committee, that Iiave not been fully met, or explained, either 
by Mr. McDufifee or Mr. Adams. Among others that might be 
noticed, are dealing in Coins, the sale of Stock, the enormous, 
as well as irregular advances made to brokers, the diminished 
accommodations to Merchants, whereby the former was afforded 
an opportunity, if they thought proper to avail themselves of it, 
to shave directly, or by their agents, the notes of the latter. Nor 
has the extraordinary increase of the expenses of printing for 
the Bank, within the last few years been satisfactorily accounted 
for, or the impression removed that a great share of them were 
advanced for services not openly avowed, and for improper pur- 
poses. If this be the fact, it is calculated to create an alarm for 
the continuance of our free system of Government, and the belief 
of which is stren[g]thened by witnessing the combined efforts 
of the Editors of public Journals, that advocate the Bank, to 
ridicule the Report of the majority of the Comm.ittee, as well as 
some of its members, and particularly the Chairman and Mr. 
Cambrelling.^^ The zeal which these Editors display on the 

63. C. C. Cambreleng- [1786-1862], Congressman from New York, 
from 1821 to 1839, and at this time Chairman of the Committee of Com- 
merce. As a member of this committee to investigate the bank he had 

88 



occasion affords no evidence that it is the offspring of disinter- 
ested patriotism; but on the contrary excites suspicion that they 
are actuated by other considerations. 

Their effort, however, will, I think, prove unavailing with 
the intelligent part of the community, who have no immediate 
interest in the Institution, and I have much confidence that those 
Gentlemen will not be dismayed by their sarcasms, but continue 
with unrelaxed exertions in the honorable course they have 
hitherto pursued in the case, and thereby be enabled to prevent 
the renewal of the charter of the Bank with the vast privileges 
which it now possesses. If it should be renewed with these, it 
will be found, when too late to be remedied, exercising powers 
not to be abridged or corrected by the Government which 
created it. 

I presume, from the state of your health, you were not at 
the Baltimore Convention.^^ I have heard the result of their 
proceedings, and am persuaded, by my knowledge of the state, 
they will have no influence in Penn[sylvani]a and that she will 
uphold her own nomination of the 5th of March last.*'^ Any 
other course would be injurious to the President. 

The late personal squabbles at Washington are much to be 
lamented. They are discreditable to our Country, and the exer- 
tions that [they] are using to make them bear on the President 
may, however, unjustly, effect, in some degree, his popularity. 
Be this as it may, I have not any doubt of his re-election ; but 
he may not have so large a majorty as he before had. 

displayed much ability in the questions he propounded to Biddle, the 
president, many of which the latter was unable to answer to his satis- 
faction. Many parodying- lists were published in the papers of the day 
as a form of satire on Cambreleng-'s method. Cf. Niles Register, XL,II, 
313. 

64. General James Findlay had been appointed one of the delegates 
to this convention [see Torrence Papers, Box 6, No. 93], which nomin- 
ated Martin Van Buren as Vice-President. His non-attendance at Bal- 
timore may be regarded as important, in view of his later opposition to 
Van Buren [Cf. p. 94]. 

65. The Pennsylvania Democratic Convention met at Harrisburg, 
on March 5th, nominated George Wolf for Governor, and endorsed 
Jackson. Van Buren was regarded as the scapegoat for Jackson's un- 
popularity in Pennsylvania, on account of his position regarding the 
tariff and the bank; and accordingly he was passed over and William 
Wilkins was named as Pennsylvania's choice for the second place on 
the national ticket. Cf. Report Am. Hist. Ass'n, 1902, Vol. I, p. 445. 

89 



Is there any bill before you to which it might be proper to 
attach a section r[a]ising the salaries of the officers of the 
Mint?^^ *********** 
Remember me affectionately to sister. 

Your brother, 

Wm. Findlay. 
Genl. Jam.es Findlay. 

XVI. 

THOMAS FINI,EY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Baltimore, 28th Deer., 1832.^^ 
Brother James, 

I was informed on Change yesterday that it was reported 
you had "Bolted" on the TarilT question*^^ and a wish expressed 
to know whether the report was true. To this I could only 
reply that you had uniformly been in favor of the system of pro- 
tection, and that I had not learned from yourself or any one else 
that your opinion on this subject had undergone any change.*'^ 

Until the law of last session shall have a fair experiment, it 
would seem to argue a great want of a settled purpose in Con- 
gress to get up another system. Nor do I think people ought 
to be frightened out of the exercise of their sober judgment by 
the blustering of the Nullifiers.'^*' 

We are all well. Your Brother, 

Tho. Finley. 

Genl. James Findlay, 
House of Reps., Washington. 

66. With what may be reg-arded as a Jacksonian characteristic, the 
writer from the time of assuming- control of the Mint, late in 1830, had 
been exerting- himself through his brother James, Col. R. M. Johnson, 
General Samuel Smith, George B. McDuffie of South Carolina, and 
others, to obtain an increase in the salaries paid the officials in the 
Philadelphia Mint. In many cases it seems to have been the just thing- 
to do. Cf. Torrence Papers, Box 7, Nos. 65, 67, 68. 

67. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 37. 

68-69. General James Findlay's own sentiment seems to have been 
that prevalent in Ohio— uniformly in favor of protection. So far as the 
family as a whole is concerned, it may be classed as in favor of the 
same policy. His brother John had written him in December, 1830, ex- 
pressing his belief that Congress should settle the tariff question at 
once [Torrence Papers, Box 8, No. 32]. A year later Thomas Finley 
wrote him from Baltimore an interesting letter concerning the reduc- 
tion of the duty on teas and the prospect of reciprocity in trade between 
France and the United States. 

70. As an indication of the sentiment prevalent at Baltimore, 
Thomas Finley had written ten days before [ Torrence Papers, Box 7, 
No. 36]: "The President's Proclamation is very popular here, all parties 
approve of it. So far as I know there are no nullifiers in Maryland." 

90 



XVII. 

JOHN MCLEAN TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

Washington, 7 Feby., 1834.^^ 
My dear Sir, 

Unless I greatly mistake the indications which I see, you will 
be called on by the people of Ohio to suffer your name to be 
used as a candidate for Governor. From what I have heard, 
there can be little or no doubt of your success. 

I now write to you for the purpose of asking you not to 
decide against becoming a candidate. Rely upon it, if you are 
taken up, you will be carried through triumphantly.^^ The 
Jackson party is broken to pieces. With the exception of a 
very few members, the whole south are now united against the 
administration,-^^ and, before the close of the session there will 
be little or no division of opinion in that great section of the 

Union. 

In Pennsylvania, even McKean says, there is no danger.^* 
The ofifice holders will be thrown into a small minority in that 
state. In New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland the Regency 
cannot hope to succeed, nor can they in any of the New England 
states, with the exception of New Hampshire and Maine, and 
the latter state will be doubtful. 

The Van Buren party, rely upon it, will be found weak when 
a development of their strength will be called for, and this will 
be the designation of the official party hereafter. 

The Administration is in the minority of twenty in the 



71. Torrence Papers, Box 17, No. 11. 

72. By August, 1834, Niles Register [XLVI, 430] noted that General 
Findlay had been presented as the candidate for governor in opposition 
to Governor Lucas the nominee of the Jacksonians. An attempt had 
likewise been made to bring out Joseph Vance of Ohio, but he declined 
in favor of Findlay. The latter was noted as an "original" friend of 
Jackson, who had "retired" from the President's support some time be- 
fore. General Findlay was defeated by a vote of 70,327 to 66,259 \ Niles, 
XLVII 158], and was reported to have lost his own county. 

73. The later movement in favor of Hugh L. White would lend 
some color to this assertion. 

74 This statement was based on the alliance between the Anti- 
masons and Whigs [Cf. Report Am. Hist. Ass^n, 1902, Vol. I, 457 ff]. 

91 



Senate/^ and before the close of the session it will be in a 
minority in the House of Representatives. Among the mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives, the most astonishing 
changes have taken place, since the commencement of the ses- 
sion. 

Very truly and sincerely yours, 

John McLean. 
Hon. James Findlay, 

Cincinnati, Ohjo. 

xvni. 

JOHN SPEAR SMITH TO THOMAS FINLEY. 

Baltimore, 3d Sep., 1834.'^^ 
Dear Sir, 

Understanding that your brother has been brought out as a 
candidate by the friends of Judge McLean,'^'^ who as I believe, 
are generally such of the Jackson party as disapprove of recent 
acts of the administration, I have thought that you might not 
be unwilling to submit to him. some political views which are 
occupying the attention of many individuals in various parts of 
the union. And as they come from one who is placed in nearly 
the same predicament as your brother, they may be less liable 
to misconstruction. 

The universal impression is that the contemplated national 
convention, will nominate Mr. Van Buren, and it is thought by 
many, that it is to be gotten up for that sole purpose. It is 
probable that he will consequently be elected, indeed, there can 
be no doubt of it unless all the various fragments of opposition, 
can be concentrated on one man. Among these fragments, the 
discontented Jackson men are of essential weight, so great, that 
without their co-operation, no successful opposition to Mr. Van 
Buren can prevail. This co-operation, as it seems to me, cannot 
be obtained in behalf either of Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, or Mr. 
Calhoun. Judge McLean may get some portion of it, but not a 

75. The later resolution of censuring- the President and the rejec- 
tion of the nominations of Taney as Chief Justice and Stevenson as 
Minister to England partially confirmed this statement. Cf. Mc- 
Master, VI, 205, 212. 

76. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 41. This is an enclosure in XIX. 

77. See note 71. 

92 



sufficiency to insure success. I do not dictate on these positions, 
but will remark that among all well informed men, it is admitted 
that neither of the above named gentlemen, can at the ensuing 
election, be chosen. Few Jackson men will abandon their party, 
or rather its nomination, unless it be to support some man who 
accords with them in opinion, or the leading measures or prin- 
ciples which brought the President into power. But if a man 
of high character, undoubted abilities and firmness, belonging 
to the predominant party, but objecting to the course of the 
administration, were nominated, then he would bring with him 
a powerful force, one in fact, that with the aid of regular oppo- 
sition, would secure victory beyond all doubt. The advantages 
of such a result would be. that a President so elected, would be 
the President of the country under the constitution, and not the 
chief of a party. He would have no factious entanglements to 
bias his judgment, or divert him from an honorable and a repub- 
lican discharge of the duties prescribed to him. He would rally 
around him the virtue, patriotism and talents of the country. 
He would look to the good of the whole people alone, and to 
their approbation, instead of the slavish adhesion of a party, for 
the just reward of a virtuous administration of the government. 

I need not say to you that such a candidate may. in my 
opinion, be found in Louis McLane. He unites all the fine qual- 
ities necessary to constitute such a chief magistrate as the times 
require, to lead the country back to tranquillity, order, respect 
for the constitution, and to prosperity. Indeed, so highly do I 
estimate hi? fine and rare qualities, that I am firmly convinced 
he would in an administration of four years, give such a noble 
impulse to public opinion as would be of lasting benefit and 
duration. Mr. McLane enjoys the confidence and good opinion 
of all the high-minded men of his party, one-third of which at 
the least, would give him a zealous support. All who have 
seceded or who have expressed their discontent, and all who are 
disgusted with the turmoil of party, or with the appearance if 
not the reality, of low intrigue, would fly to his standard, as a 
place of refuge, where their principles would not be com- 
promised. 

It is proper to remark, that this opinion of the suitableness 
of Mr. McLane as a candidate in the present crisis, is not my 

93 



own alone. It is becoming a matter of Daily conversation, and 
is gradually, but quietly pervading the country. Nor is it con- 
fined to Jackson men. Many others, whose only wish is to 
rescue public affairs, from the course into which they have 
unhappily fallen, concur in it. The people are growing weary 
of party and its strifes. They see that it is eating into the vitals 
of the constitution, and blighting the hopes of the patriot. 

If it be then desirable to have a change, if it be necessary to 
wrest our afifairs from the influences which are likely to prevail, 
surely every man should relinquish his personal aspirations and 
wishes, in furtherance of the general advantage. All should 
come forward and make a generous sacrifice of predilections, 
that the country may be benefitted. 

How are these views to be accomplished, and how is Mr. 
McLane to be brought out? It appears to me, that if in some 
one of the Western States, he were nominated by the disapprov- 
mg Jackson men, the end would be obtained. The regular 
opposition would naturally fall into it in that quarter, and it 
would be followed up immediately on this side of the mountains, 
as well as in the south. Your brother is brought out in this 
way, so was Mr. Duncan. '^^ The former will I doubt not suc- 
ceed, as has the latter. But the Judge, it may be answered, is 
the candidate of Ohio and may have claims on the support of 
your brother. Be it so. Is his strength, however, sufficiently 
great in other quarters to hold out the slightest prospect of 
success? I am sure it is not. He has lost ground in 
Penn[sylvani]a, and has gained nothing in any other State. 
You know that the effort which was made for him here, has 
been paralyzed and fallen away almost entirely from its first 
promise. In the south, in the center, in N[ew] Y[ork], and in 
the east, he is scarcely known, or seriously thought of as a candi- 
date. The fact of his being on the bench, which is deemed by 
many as constitutionally incompatible with any pretension to 
political station, is an insuperable objection in the popular sen- 
timent. It is one too, that as an electioneering weapon, will be 
wielded with great efficacy. But his friends in Ohio will hardly 
take the same view of the subject, and all perhaps that we have 

78. Joseph Duncan was elected Governor of Illinois in August, 1834, 
b)' a handsome majority. During- the campaign he was attending Con- 
gress [Cf. Note 16] and the people at large were not aware of his break 
with Jackson. Cf, Davidson and Stuv^, Complete History o/nUnois, 416. 

94 



a right to ask of tliem is, that when they do take it, they will be 
prepared to follow or adopt the other course, and not to defer it 
until it be too late. 

I take it as an undoubted postulate, that no candidate can 
beat Mr. Van Buren, if he be nominated by the convention, and 
of this there is no doubt, unless it be one who is nominated by 
the great body of seceding Jackson men, and who will carry 
with him a large portion of his party. Now the man who is 
most likely to do this, is he who thinks with the seceders, acts 
with them, who has their entire respect and confidence, and who 
has openly shown that he is entitled to their good opinion, by 
his generous and disinterested relinquishment of high office, 
rather than compromise his principles, by its tenure. 

"The party" is strong, as well from habit, as from the dis- 
tractions of the opposition. It can be but little weakened, or 
any efficient force taken from it, in one only way, and that is in 
the mode I have suggested. Such a move would break up the 
ties which now hold it together, because such a move could not 
be taxed with inconsistency, and because of its obvious certainty 
of success, would embolden even the most timid. 

As my only object in making this communication to you is, 
that you may ascertain from your brother how the suggestions 
contained in it, would be likely to be received in the West, I beg 
that you will consider it as confidential. And there is the more 
reason for this, as not knowing Mr. McLane's plans for the 
future, it would be improper by any publicity, to compromise 
him, or place him in a false position. 

Very respectfully yr. obdt. Svt. 

J. Spear Smith. 

Thos. Findlav, Esq. 

XIX. 

THOMAS FINLEY TO JAMES FINDLAY. 

(Confidential.) 

Baltimore, 20th Sept., 1834.'''^ 
Brother James, 

Some weeks since Genl John Spear Smith (son of Gen [era] 1 
Sam[ue]l Smith)^*' commenced a conversation with me in rela- 
tion to the next Presidential Election, and seemed particularly 
desirous to know vvhether you would support your friend Louis 
McLane who he supposes might be brought into the field with 
some hope of success. 



79. Torrence Papers, Box 7, No. 41. 

80. General Samuel Smith [1752-1839] the well-known Maryland 
politician, who served in the House of Representatives and the Senate 
from 1793-1833. 

95 



In reply, I stated to him that I had not corresponded with 
you on political subjects and was therefore ignorant of your 
particular views, but that I knew that you had the most favor- 
able opinion of the talents and lofty character of Louis McLane ; 
but that I considered you as pledged to support John McLean 
provided he was continued before the people as a candidate. I 
remarked, however, that if he would address me a letter con- 
taining his views of the matter I would transmit it to you — so 
that the confidential letter which I enclose, altho' addressed to 
me. is really intended for you. I do not wish you to reply to it 
until after the election is over in your State ; then as you dislike 
writing yourself you may make a confidential sec[retar]y of 
Samuel or Alexander to communicate your views. 

I have a favorable opinion of Louis, but I confess that I am 
unable to see how he is to get along. Were he a citizen of New 
York or PennTsylvaniJa the case could be managed. But as 
matters stand at present, it seems probable that no one will be 
elected by the people. For so far 1 have been a looker on, 
having taken no part, nor expressed no preference, and have so 
deported myself that no party has any ju'^t ground of complaint. 

But contrary to my wish and urgent advice my son James 
has taken active part in the pending election for City Delegates 
and has been addressing Ward meetings in opposition to the 
National administration. The Jackson paper here has noticed 
this in such a manner as to show that there is a disposition in 
some to make me responsible for the course of my son, who is 
past the age of parental restraint. This is neither liberal nor 
just, but still it may have its influence at Head Quarters, and 
the more so, as your Anti Van Buren course will probably lessen 
your influence with the old Chief. Under these circumstances 
there may be a doubt, even if I were to solicit it, whether my 
commission would be renewed. What is your opinion of this 
matter? I think T would rather decline than be refused. The 
Pennfsylvanila branch of the family, T believe, adhere to the 
administration. As our Xephcw James^^ is a rising man and likely 
to have great political influence there may be a disposition to 
conciliate him, but what his views are as to the succession I do 
not knov/. I think it probable. hov,-ever. that he will go with 
the old democratic party of the State and how they may go is, I 
believe, yet uncertain. 

****** ***:!c;i<;(:^ 

Tho. Finley. 
Genl. James Findlay, 
Cincinnati. 



81. Jamas Findlay, son of William, afterward Secretary of the 
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 

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